Blog de César Salgado

Johan Vicente Viqueira López-Cortón (1886 - 1924) destacou, a pesar da súa delicada saúde, como filósofo, psicólogo, pedagogo, traductor, profesor, escritor e político galeguista, ademais de ser músico e compositor amateur. O seu nome aparece escrito, segundo a fonte, doutras varias formas (Xoán, Xohán, Xohan, Johán…) e o seu apelido pode encontrarse tamén como “Biqueira”. Usaba o “j” en galego porque defendía o progresivo achegamento á ortografía histórica (postura similar á hoxe coñecida como reintegracionista).

Viviu a súa infancia e morreu na parroquia de Vixoi (Bergondo), e foi enterrado no cemiterio civil de Ouces (no mesmo concello). Estudiou na Institución Libre de Enseñanza e logo en París e Alemaña. Chegou a ser presidente das Irmandades da Fala da Coruña. Dedicóuselle o Día das Letras Galegas no 1974. Para saber máis sobre el pode verse a biobibliografía elaborada polo profesor Antón Costa Rico para o Consello da Cultura Galega.

Hoxe traio aquí un soneto seu, segundo o texto editado por Francisco Fernández del Riego:

Para un país lonxíncuo e misterioso
en vagos soños emigra cada día
miña alma, cal linda cotovía
buscando o ceu en tempo deleitoso.

Lixeira, vai voando ao cobizoso
curruncho, todo ben e louzanía,
en brétemas envolto de poesía,
abalado dun cántico armonioso.

¿Sabes tí dónde queda, miña amada,
este país dunha eternal ventura
que nunca o foi, nin o será igualada?

Nos brancos brazos teus todos tenrura,
no amoroso fulgor da túa mirada,
dos teus beizos na cálida dozura.

É inevitable ver aquí un recordo dun dos poemas ós que máis compositores puxeron música, normalmente en forma de lieder (entre eles Beethoven, Schubert e Schumann): “Kennst du das Land, wo die Zitronen blühn…?” (¿Coñeces ese país onde medran os limóns…?), escrito por Johann Wolfgang von Goethe.

Nunca saberemos que podería dar Viqueira á cultura galega se non morrese antes de cumprir 38 anos…

Noticia publicada onte polo diario madrileño El País:

“Encarcelado el joven condenado por quitar la bandera española del Consistorio de Terrassa”

El joven ha recibido numerosas muestras de apoyo, como la de los grupos municipales del Consistorio, a excepción del PP.

EUROPA PRESS. Barcelona.

El joven condenado por ultraje a la bandera al haber descolgado la enseña española del balcón del Ayuntamiento de Terrassa (Barcelona) en 2002 fue encarcelado esta mañana después de que el Tribunal Supremo (TS) decidiera hace pocos días no admitir a trámite el recurso de la defensa y ratificara la condena de dos años y siete meses de cárcel.

Franki ha sido detenido esta mañana por los Mossos d’Esquadra y trasladado a la cárcel Modelo de Barcelona, donde ingresó a mediodía.

Al conocerse la noticia, entre una veintena de personas, según la Guardia Urbana, y un centenar, según los movilizadores, se han concentrado ante las puertas de la cárcel barcelonesa para protestar por la decisión judicial.

El joven estaba pendiente de recibir la notificación del TS conforme no admitía a trámite el recurso presentado, así como de los juzgados de Terrassa, a la espera que se le citara para su ingreso en prisión. Según explicó él mismo el jueves, sus abogados preparan estos días la documentación para presentar un recurso ante el Tribunal de Estrasburgo a la espera que frene su ingreso en prisión.

Un centenar de jóvenes se concentraron el jueves por la tarde frente al Ayuntamiento de Terrassa para apoyar al joven. Casi cien manifestantes acudieron a la plaza del Consistorio con pancartas en las que se podía leer “Franki se queda en casa”, y con el despliegue de dos telas que simulaban la bandera española a la que arrojaron excrementos ante la presencia de la Policía Local.

Desde los hechos, el joven ha recibido numerosas muestras de apoyo, como la de los grupos municipales del Consistorio, a excepción del PP, que en abril de 2005 firmaron una petición de indulto ante el Rey a favor de Franki.

Amnistía Internacional publicou hoxe un breve informe sobre violacións (impunes) dos Direitos Humanos cometidas por policías de Mozambique. O informe leva por título “Licence to kill: Police accountability in Mozambique”. Copio un extracto do seu contido:

The peace agreement that ended the 15 year civil war in 1992, committed the government of Mozambique to restructure and retrain the police, this included public order management, investigative techniques and human rights. In 1997, a two-phase project to train the police started under the co-ordination of the UNDP. Between 1997 and 2004, when the project ended, members of the Spanish Civil Guard trained police instructors who retrained other officers in the country. A third phase of the project, between 2004 and 2007, aimed to assist the Policia de República de Moçambique (PRM) in improving police accountability and transparency. [...]

Between 2004 and 2007, Amnesty International received numerous reports of human rights violations by the police in Mozambique. Many of these cases refer to extrajudicial executions. In almost all cases no disciplinary action was carried out against the police responsible for the violations nor have they been prosecuted, creating the impression that the police have a licence to kill. [...]

There have been many cases where excessive use of force by police resulted in death. In 2006 and 2007, Amnesty International received reports of at least 13 cases where police shot and killed individual suspects and gangs while they were allegedly attempting to flee from custody. Amnesty International believes that in some of these cases the police use of lethal force amounted to extrajudicial executions. [...]

O informe está disponible tamén en portugués, baixo o título “Licença para matar: Responsabilização da Polícia em Moçambique”. Copio un extracto do seu contido:

[...] O acordo de paz que pôs termo à guerra civil de 15 anos em 1992 comprometeu o governo de Moçambique a reestruturar e a oferecer nova formação à polícia, o que inclui as áreas da
gestão da ordem pública, técnicas de investigação e direitos humanos. Em 1997, teve início um projecto em duas fases para formar a polícia, sob a coordenação do Programa das Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento (PNUD). Entre 1997 e 2004, quando o projecto terminou, agentes da Guarda Civil Espanhola formaram instrutores da polícia, que por sua vez deram formação a outros agentes no país. Uma terceira fase do projecto, entre 2004 e 2007, teve como objectivo ajudar a Polícia da República de Moçambique (PRM) a melhorar a responsabilização e transparência da polícia. [...]

Entre 2004 e 2007, a Amnistia Internacional recebeu inúmeros relatos de violações dos direitos humanos pela polícia em Moçambique. Muitos destes casos, tal como o caso acima, referem-se a execuções extrajudiciais. Em quase todos os casos, não foram tomadas quaisquer medidas disciplinares contra os agentes da polícia responsáveis pelas violações dos direitos humanos e eles não foram também processados, dando a impressão de que a polícia tem licença para matar. [...]

Houve muitos casos nos quais o uso excessivo da força pela polícia resultou em mortes. Em 2006 e 2007, a Amnistia Internacional recebeu relatos de pelo menos 13 casos nos quais a polícia atingiu a tiro e matou indivíduos suspeitos e gangues enquanto estes tentavam alegadamente fugir da custódia policial. A Amnistia Internacional acredita que, em alguns destes casos, o uso de força letal pela polícia correspondeu a execuções extrajudiciais. [...]

Human Rights Watch publicou hoxe unha nota de prensa sobre a situación de miles de prisioneiros retidos en Iraq polas forzas invasoras (comandadas polos Estados Unidos) sen xuízo, sen avogado, sen garantías…

A nota de prensa leva por título “UN: Tell US to End Illegal Detention Practices in Iraq. US-Led Force Holds Thousands Without Due Process”. Copio un extracto do seu contido:

The United Nations Security Council should address serious concerns about the detention practices of the US-led Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF) in its debate on Iraq, Human Rights Watch said in a letter to council members. The United States invokes Security Council resolutions to justify holding thousands of Iraqis for indefinite periods, without judicial review, and under military processes that do not meet international standards.

In the letter, Human Rights Watch said that according to the UN Assistance Mission in Iraq (UNAMI), the MNF was holding 24,514 detainees at the end of 2007. Since the declared end of the US occupation of Iraq in June 2004, detained persons should be provided due process under international human rights law. Security Council Resolutions 1546, 1637, and 1723 allow for internment of Iraqis “for imperative reasons of security,” but the US improperly uses this language to justify holding the detainees without judicial review, as if the operative law were the Fourth Geneva Convention, which governs the treatment of civilians during international armed conflicts.

“The Security Council should insist that the United States abide by international law for persons detained,” said Joe Stork, Middle East deputy director at Human Rights Watch. “The Bush administration pushed the Security Council to declare that the US-led occupation of Iraq had ended in June 2004, and the end of occupation means that international human rights standards apply – judicial review, access to legal counsel and family members, and a fair trial.”

Human Rights Watch has serious concerns about the widespread torture of detainees by the Iraqi authorities. Where there is a fear of torture, the US should retain physical custody over individuals formally transferred to the Iraqi justice system for prosecution. [...]

Publican en Ars Technica, unha das millores páxinas sobre informática, que recentemente os “crackers” derrotaron ós CAPTCHA dos servizos de correo máis populares, sobre todo tendo en conta outra noticia sobre o CAPTCHA de Yahoo! Mail.

CAPTCHA son as siglas de Completely Automated Public Turing test to tell Computers and Humans Apart, proba onde se lle pide ó usuario que identifique os caracteres nunha imaxe distorsionada para impedir que rexistren contas “usuarios non humanos”.

A noticia leva por título “Gone in 60 seconds: Spambot cracks Live Hotmail CAPTCHA”. Copio un extracto:

[...] A security firm is now reporting that the CAPTCHA used for Windows Live Mail can now be cracked in as little as 60 seconds.

Back in early February, a group cracked Windows Live Hotmail’s CAPTCHA. A few weeks later, Gmail’s version followed suit. In just over a month’s time, some anti-spam vendors were forced to completely block the domain for the popular service as bots signed up for thousands of bogus accounts and began to flood the tubes with e-mail advertisements for lottery tickets and watches. [...]

Human Rights Watch publicou onte unha nota de prensa sobre a decisión do Tribunal Europeo de Direitos Humanos pola que se ordena a Francia que suspenda a deportación de Kamel Daoudi, xa que podería ser torturado en Alxeria.

A nota de prensa leva por título “France: European Court Orders Suspension of Deportation. Government Should Automatically Stop Deportation Proceedings on Appeal”. Copio un extracto do seu contido:

The European Court of Human Rights decision to order France to suspend the deportation of an Algerian is a reminder that France’s expulsion policy may put people in harm’s way, Human Rights Watch said today. On April 23, 2008, the court ordered France to halt Kamel Daoudi’s deportation until it could review the case and issue a final decision on whether or not he could face torture or ill-treatment in Algeria.

Under current procedures in France, individuals facing deportation can apply to a special judge for a stay on human rights grounds. But even appeals based on fear of torture or ill-treatment do not automatically suspend the deportation until and unless the special judge orders the stay.

“This case shows why France needs an automatic, in-country appeal process for those facing deportation,” said Judith Sunderland, researcher on Western Europe at Human Rights Watch. “Otherwise, the European Court of Human Rights will keep having to step in.”

Daoudi, a 34-year-old Algerian, was released from prison on April 21, 2008 after serving a six-year sentence for a terrorism-related conviction, and was immediately placed in a detention center pending deportation. He was convicted in 2005 under the broad charge of “criminal association in relation to a terrorist undertaking.” In addition to the prison sentence, the French court ordered that Daoudi be criminally deported after serving his sentence and banned him permanently from re-entering French territory. The trial drew attention because the prosecution alleged that Daoudi and his co-defendants had plotted an attack on the US embassy in Paris. The only evidence presented of a plot against American interests in Paris was the confession of a suspect held in the United Arab Emirates that the appeals court excluded because of concerns about the conditions under which it was obtained.

The United Nations Committee Against Torture has condemned France twice in the past three years for deporting individuals to countries where they faced a risk of torture. In both cases, France had ignored requests from the committee to stay the deportation until the committee had time to study the facts. [...]

Acabo de coñecer, a través da lista de correo “Terminoloxía” (Consello da Cultura Galega), que a editorial Ir Indo pon en liña o seu “Dicionario de galego” (beta 1.0).

Os amantes da lingua e os que a usamos como ferramenta de traballo debemos agradecer que Ir Indo volva apostar pola difusión da cultura.

Hoxe comenteilles ós meus alumnos na clase, xa que “se celebra o día do libro”, que William Shakespeare e Miguel de Cervantes non morreron o mesmo día, aínda que mirando as datas pareza que si (nas dúas pon o 23 de abril do 1616).

Ninguén está a mentir… en España era o 3 de maio cando morreu Shakespeare. O motivo da discrepancia é que España e outros países católicos implantaran no 1582 o calendario gregoriano e Inglaterra aínda seguía o calendario xuliano.

P.S. (5 - V - 2008). Acabo de coñecer que o historiador hispano-peruano Inca Garcilaso de la Vega (Gómez Suárez de Figueroa no bautismo) tamén morreu o 23 de abril do 1616. Ollo: non debemos confundilo co insigne poeta Garcilaso de la Vega (1501 - 1536).

Aquí témo-lo primeiro número do BWV 243, “Magnificat anima mea Dominum”, cantado por un coro de Kaohsiung, a segunda cidade en importancia de Taiwan. O grande traballo destes músicos vese deslucido polos “desacertos puntuais” dalgún deles…

Hai máis números deste Magnificat e outras pezas cantadas por este coro no canal en YouTube do Kaohsiung Chamber Chorus. Eu xa os puxera na bitácora: Victoria: “O magnum mysterium” (Kaohsiung Chamber Chorus).

Thank you for sharing culture!

Amnistía Internacional publicou a semana pasada o informe sobre Alxeria que foi enviado ó Comité contra a Tortura das Nacións Unidas.

O documento leva por título “Algeria: Briefing to the Committee Against Torture”. Copio un extracto da súa introducción:

[...] This briefing summarizes some of Amnesty International’s main concerns on Algeria, as documented in a number of the organization’s past reports. These concerns relate broadly to a persistent pattern of secret detention and torture by the Department for Information and Security (Département du Renseignement et de la Sécurité, DRS), an intelligence agency which specializes in interrogating individuals who are believed to have information about terrorist activities; to the failure of the state party to provide an effective remedy to victims of human rights abuses, including torture and ill-treatment; and to continuing violence against women.

Torture and other ill-treatment of detainees suspected of terrorist activities in Algeria are being committed in the wake of more than a decade of violence, sparked by the cancellation in 1992 of the multi-party elections which the Islamic Salvation Front (Front Islamique du Salut, FIS), an Islamist political party, was widely expected to win. During the internal conflict, safeguards for human rights protection were grievously eroded. Human rights violations in the name of counter-terrorism became entrenched as security forces ruthlessly combated armed groups who were committing grave and widespread abuses against civilians, including unlawful killings, abductions, torture and rape.. The state’s security forces and, later, state-armed militia (referred to by the authorities as “legitimate defence groups”, “self-defence groups” or “patriots”) committed massive human rights violations and abuses, including extrajudicial executions and other unlawful killings, enforced disappearances, secret and arbitrary detentions, and torture and other ill-treatment of thousands of real or suspected members or supporters of armed groups. The DRS, the force most associated with torture and other ill-treatment today, played a key role in the escalation of such human rights violations during the 1990s.

Notwithstanding the decrease in violence and gross human rights abuses associated with the internal conflict that has occurred in recent years, Amnesty International continues to regularly receive reports of incommunicado detention of suspects in unofficial places of detention and torture by the DRS, in the context of the government’s counter-terrorism operations. Further, while the initiative taken by the government in 2004 to enact provisions in national law to criminalize torture was welcome, it can be noted that these new provisions have failed to end the use of torture by the DRS.

The vast majority of the human rights abuses committed by both armed groups and state security forces, including torture and ill-treatment, in the context of the internal conflict have not been investigated. Impunity for past violations has been further entrenched through amnesty laws introduced by the government in 2006 with the stated intention of bringing closure to the years of violence. These laws provided for exemption from prosecution or release under an amnesty of those convicted of or detained on charges of terrorist activity, and granted comprehensive impunity to members of the security forces responsible for human rights violations.

Women have been particularly affected by violence since the onset of the internal conflict. They have been targeted for abduction, rape and other forms of sexual violence by armed groups, and have suffered disproportionately from the anguish at not knowing the truth as to the fate of thousands of men forcibly disappeared during the conflict. Further, violence against women within the family is prevalent. [...]